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(3-4, p. 36)
Sae Hyang Chung

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Plate 1. Uisang and Wonhyo take shelter from rain in a cave. In his dream, Wonhyo is frightened by a ghost. Detail from the Kegon Engi Emaki. |
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Plate 5. Uisang lectures at a mountain temple in Silla. This is the origin of the Hwa Om sect of Buddhism in Korea. Detail from the Kegon Engi Emaki. |
(3-4, p. 37)
Since the introduction of Buddhism to Japan by Korean Buddhist monks of the Paekche dynasty in 538 A.D., traditional Japan has often looked to Korea for sources of advanced civilization. Indeed, it is widely known that Korean monks, along with Korean architects, sculptors, painters, and potters, played a significant role in the formation of ancient Japanese culture.
Unique pictorial evidence of ancient Japan's admiration for Korea is represented by the two Japanese narrative paintings of the early Kamakura period (1195-1336), the Picture of Gisho and the Picture of Gengyo, now collectively called the Kegon Engi Emaki (Pls. 1-10), or the Legends of the Kegon Sect.1 Preserved in the temple of Kozan-ji in Kyoto, Japan, these two scrolls illustrate the lives of the two illustrious Korean Buddhist monks, Uisang (624-702) and Wonhyo (617-685) called Gisho and Gengyo respectively, in Japanese).
Although stylistic analysis of the Kegon Engi Emaki belongs properly to the discussion of Japanese painting,2 its subject matter gives us a significant insight into the outstanding achievements of the two Korean monks. The aim of this paper is to focus on the background of Uisang and Wonhyo, the two Silla priests who were well-known throughout the ancient Orient.
The Hwa Om sect
Both Uisang and Wonhyo are celebrated figures in the history of Korean Buddhism. Their biographies are recorded in Samguk Yusa (The Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), one of the oldest Korean documents extant, written by Iryon (1206-1289).3 Uisang was an important monk who helped to popularize Buddhism in Korea, especially through the Hwa Om sect of Buddhism. The Hwa Om sect (Known as Hua yen in Chinese, Kegon in Japanese, and Avatamsaka in Sanskrit) was founded in China as an independent school of Buddhism by the Chinese priest Fa Shun (557-640). Its final systematization was made by Fa Tsang (643-712) through whose translations and teachings the new doctrine was widely disseminated. The Hwa Om sect taught the sameness of everything in the world and the interpenetration of every element with everything else. Thus, Shakyamuni, who appeared as a man and practiced virtue and austerity, became the Buddha, and he (3-4, p. 38) was also the transcendent Vairocana Buddha, the supreme figure in the Buddhist cosmology. As a result of its emphasis on oneness, this sect had an immense appeal to people of all strata of society.

In order to study the newlyfounded sect of Buddhism, Uisang made a long and difficult journey to T'ang China in the year 650. Staying at the T'ang capital, Ch'ang-an, for over twenty years, Uisang studied the Hwa Om sect under a Chinese priest named Chih-yen (active 602-668). After his return to Korea in 671, Uisang transmitted the new sect to his people. He also founded the temple of Pusok- sa in 676, which is still extant today as a result of its restoration during the Koryo dynasty (918-1392). Thanks to Uisang's efforts, the Hwa Om sect became a major Buddhist sect during the United Silla (668-935) and Koryo dynasties, and numerous temples were built for propagating the new doctrine.
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Plate 2. Uisang, going to T'ang China, parts from Wonhyo. The priest facing toward the viewer is Wonhyo. Detail from the Kegon Engi Emaki. |
Wonhyo was as illustrious as Uisang in Korean Buddhism. His untraditional character, which conformed neither to orthodox religion nor to secular rules, was well known. He even stirred a sensation in his time by breaking the priestly vow: he married and had a son, Sol Chong, who became one of the most reknowned scholars of his time. Wonhyo's departure from the priesthood, however, should not be construed as a simple re-entry into the secular world. Wonhyo was a man of extraordinary mind, who was not bound by conformity. In fact, Wonhyo's most brilliant religious activities and writings were accomplished after he left the priesthood: he made great efforts to transmit the Buddhist religion to commoners, and he wrote innumerable commentaries on difficult sutras to expound their profound meanings. Indeed, Wonhyo was one of the most prolific writers on Buddhism in the ancient Orient; the total number of his writings exceeded two hundred forty volumes, of which twenty-five volumes have survived. Among his writings, his commentary on the sutra of Kumgang sammae gyong was the most famous. It was transmitted to China where it was reprinted and won a wide reputation as a truly great treatise.4 Wonhyo's writings were also well-known in Japan. More a scholar and writer than a monk in the traditional sense, Wonhyo contributed greatly to the understanding of Buddhism in Korea.
So reknowned were Uisang and Wonhyo both in their time and in succeeding periods that the lives of these two monks were recorded in Sung Kao Seng Ch'uan, an important Chinese document containing the biographies of eminent monks, mostly Chinese, written by Tsan Ning around 988.5 The accounts of the two Silla monks in Sung Kao Seng Ch'uan are partly factual and partly apocryphal, forming colorful fairy tale-like stories. It was these accounts that provided the background for the two Japanese paintings; the scenes in the two paintings correspond closely to the stories of the two monks in the Chinese document.
The earliest account of the lives of Uisang and Wonhyo, which formed the basis for the Japanese (3-4, p. 39) paintings, the Chinese document is a testimony to the wide recognition and admiration won by the two monks. Following is an adaptation of Uisang's biography in Sung Kao Seng Ch'uan; it is supplemented by corresponding illustrations from the Japanese painting.
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Plate 3. Shan-miao confesses her love to Uisang. Detail from the Kegon Engi Emaki. |
Uisang
Uisang, whose family name was Park, was said to have been a man of courage. He left his hometown when he was young and wandered around for many years. Then he finally entered the priesthood and reached excellence in his studies of Buddhism. In order to deepen his understanding of Buddhism, Uisang decided to travel to T'ang China with Wonhyo, a monk from his native Silla kingdom.
The two monks traveled together across their native country in order to embark on a ship to China. Along the road, however, they encountered sudden heavy rain and had to enter an earthen cave for shelter. At dawn, when it was bright, the two monks discovered to their surprise that the cave where they had stayed the night was an old tomb with human skeletal remains. Although they wished to continue their journey, they were forced to remain another night because of heavy rain and muddy roads. That night, Wonhyo was frightened by a ghost in his dream (pl. 1). Upon awaking, Wonhyo received a sudden enlightenment: the night before, when he was unaware that the cave was a tomb, he had slept peacefully; however, that night, he dreamed of ghosts. Thus he realized that everything arose from the mind and that the mind controlled everything. As a result, he realized that outside the mind, there is no law, and that just as the ghost will be erased if the mind is erased, so too the law will grow if the mind grows. Wonhyo therefore saw the futility of seeking enlightenment in China and made the decision to remain in his native land. The two monks thus parted sadly (pl. 2), and Uisang alone continued the difficult voyage.
In China, Uisang arrived safely at a port town, called Teng-chou, where he stayed for a short time at a certain gentleman's home. There, a beautiful Chinese woman named Shan-miao fell in love with the handsome Uisang (pl. 3). Uisang's heart, however, was like a stone and could not be moved. Shan- miao, although heart-broken, decided to forget her love for Uisang, and instead, (3-4, p. 40) she studied Buddhism in order to help Uisang achieve his great work.
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Plate 4. Deeply disappointed that Uisang's ship left the harbor, Shan-miao throws her gift into the sea. Detail from the Kegon Engi Emaki. | |
Subsequently, Uisang went to Ch'ang-an, became a disciple under Chih-yen, and studied the Hwa Om sect. Having studied for a long time, Uisang, longing to transmit the new doctrine to his native people, looked for a returning merchant ship. When Shan-miao learned of Uisang's plan to return home, she prepared a box of gifts containing Buddhist artifacts and vestments. But when she arrived at the harbor with her | gift, Uisang's ship had already left the shore and was far into distance. Deeply disappointed, she prayed and threw the box into the ocean (pl. 4). Then the box floated on water —oved by the wind — and entered Uisang's ship. Encouraged by the miraculous event, Shan-miao prayed again, hoping to transform into a dragon, so that she might safely lead Uisang's ship to Korea, where he could transmit his learnings. When she threw herself into the ocean, she became a dragon and was able to guide the ship across the hazardous waters.
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Plate 6. Wonhyo enjoys playing music with other people in front of a temple. Detail from the Kegon Engi Emaki. |
Upon his arrival in Korea, Uisang traveled widely in search of a suitable monastery where he could teach the Hwa Om doctrine. Although he found a temple, Uisang thought that the great doctrine would not be received there, since many different sects of Buddhism were practiced. Realizing Uisang's difficulties, Shan-miao dragon, who had continued to follow and protect him, flew into the air, became a rock, and flew over the monks of the temple. The frightened monks all ran away and never returned. Consequently, Uisang entered the temple and taught the new doctrine (pl. 5). Everyone in the nation deeply respected him; and the king even offered him land, clothes, and servants, all of which Uisang declined. Uisang's only wish was to study and teach Buddhism. Thus Uisang became the patriarch of the Hwa Om sect in Korea.
(3-4, p. 41)
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Plate 7. The imperial messenger, in the hope of healing the queen's illness, goes under the ocean to the dragon-king's palace in search of the sacred book. Detail from the Kegon Engi Emaki. |
Wonhyo
Following is an adaptation of Wonhyo's biography in Sung Kao Seng Ch'uan; it is also supplemented by scenes from the Japanese painting.
Wonhyo, whose family name was Sol, was said to have been a kind and wise man. He entered the priesthood and studied under a certain master. In his studies Wonhyo made remarkable progress, absorbing everything he read and understanding their essence. Originally, Wonhyo planned to travel to China with Uisang, but he changed his mind.
A man of many talents, Wonhyo was good at playing the lute (pl. 6) and excelled in composing poetry. He did everything according to his own principle, not conforming to rules. He even went to wineshops with laymen and sang songs, or he carried a sword when he went on mendicant tours, like an official.
Once, the king held a gathering at a temple to read a Buddhist sutra and invited all the eminent people in the nation. Wonhyo, however, was not invited, because he was disliked by many people, who compared his behavior to that of a layman. Then one day the queen became seriously ill and all the medicine in the nation could not cure her. Although the king requested his sons, ministers, and the people of the nation to pray for the queen's recovery, she remained seriously ill. At that time, a certain diviner spoke and said that the queen's illness would be cured if someone were sent to a foreign country to seek medicine.
The king thus dispatched a messenger to T'ang China to summon a doctor. During the journey an old man appeared suddenly from the great waves and entered the boat. He then invited the messenger to descend to the bottom of the ocean (pl. 7), where the dragon-king lived.When the old man and the messenger entered the dragon-king's palace (pl. 8), the dragon-king, greeting the messenger, gave him the sutra of Kumgang sammae gyong and told him that the young queen's illness would be cured if everyone in the nation studied and followed the doctrine contained in the sacred book. The king then told the messenger to cut open his calf and put the sutra there, so that the sutra would be kept safe from the demon, who might steal it during the voyage back home. The king also instructed the messenger to have Dae-an, the wise one, gather together the scattered sutras in proper order and to have Wonhyo write a commentary explaining the difficult text.
(3-4, p. 42)
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Plate 8. At the dragon-king's palace. Detail from the Keogon Engi Emaki. |
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Plate 9. Dae-an arranges the sutra scrolls in order. Detail from the Kegon Engi Emaki. |
When the king of the Silla state (3-4, p. 43) heard the messenger's good news, he rejoiced greatly. Then he immediately dispatched someone to look for Dae-an. Dae-an was an uncommon man, whose appearance and clothing were unusual. Carrying a brass alm bowl, he often walked the market place saying the words, "Dae An! Doe An!" ("Great Peace! Great Peace!"). Hence he was nicknamed Dae-an.
After Dae-an completed putting together the scattered sutras into eight chapters (pl. 9), he told the messenger that the extent of the people's understanding of the sacred book would depend on Wonhyo's commentaries. Finally, Wonhyo wrote the commentary and he lectured (pl. 10) on the sutra. Due to Wonhyo's great teaching of the doctrine, it is said that the queen recovered fully and that everyone prospered.

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Plate 10. Wonhyo lectures on the sacred teaching of the Kumgang sammae gyong at a temple. Detail from the Kegon Engi Emaki. |
The writings in Sung Kao Seng Ch'uan, although highly dramatized by the dragon folklore, nonetheless indicate the important contributions of the two monks to Korean Buddhism. To early Kamakura (twelfth to thirteenth-century) Japan, the stories of the two Silla priests had a poignant appeal. Japan, which had just ended a bitter civil war, sought reformation through practical religion for extending salvation to its dark society. In Kozan-ji temple, the head priest Myoe (1173-1232), a reform-minded priest, made an effort to revive the flagging Hwa Om sect, a major Buddhist sect which Korean monks had helped to transmit to and popularize in Japan during earlier periods; the Hwa Om sect was then centered at the well-known Todai-ji temple in Nara, Japan. Priest Myoe thus resorted to the biographies of Uisang and Wonhyo, stories of great dedication to Buddhism, contained in the celebrated Chinese document, and had the temple artists create narrative scroll paintings illustrating the lives of the two Korean monks.
The story of Uisang, the founding father of the Hwa Om sect in Korea, was especially significant in terms of illuminating the circumstances surrounding the transmission of the Hwa Om sect from China to Japan via Korea. Moreover, the story of Wonhyo, the great scholar and priest whose writings contributed greatly to the understanding of the Buddhist religion in Korea and in Japan, also had an immense appeal. In an age of reformation and revival, the biographies of the two Silla priests, both of whom represented a vital force behind the transmission of Buddhism to ancient Japan, became an inspiring symbol of humanity, deserving pictorial commemoration in Japanese painting.
Sae Hyang Chung is a Ph.D. candidate in Chinese Art History at Clumbia University. She received her undergraduate degree from Barnard College, and her Master's from Columbia University.
1. Kegon Engi Emaki; first half of the thirteenth century; colors and ink on paper; 31.5 cm. in height; Kozan-ji, Kyoto. I am indebted to Professor Miyeko Murase of Columbia University, who introduced me to this painting and gave the opportunity to do research for a seminar project. Photographs for this article are taken from Tanaka Ichimatsu, et al., eds., Nihon Emakimono Zenshu [Japanese Scroll Paintings], vol. 7: Kegon Engi (Tokyo: Kadokawa, 1959). 2. Ichimatsu, et al., eds., Nihon Emakimono Zenshu, vol. 7. 3. Iryon, Samguk Yusa, translated into modern Korean by Lee Byung-do (Seoul: 1956), pp. 402-405. 4. Shih-yong Chun et al. eds., Buddhist Culture in Korea (Seoul: 1974), pp. 15-30. 5. Tsan Ning, Sung Kao Seng Ch'uan, 1651 edition, IV, 13a-15b, 17b-19b.
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