Donald F. McCallum

The flourishing of Buddhist art, especially sculpture, in Japan during the sixth and seventh centuries was a direct result of the transmission of Buddhism from Korea. Naturally, most of the early Japanese statues have been lost through the centuries, although a surprisingly large number are still in existence. This contrasts strikingly with the situation in China and Korea, where a very large percentage of the icons, particularly those made of wood and bronze, have been destroyed in persecutions of Buddhism, as well as through natural causes. Consequently, while Japan was not a center for the creation of new artistic styles in the early period, today it serves as a sort of museum, documenting icon types that are no longer well represented on the continent.

The fundamental problem that will be encountered in this study arises from the relative scarcity of early Buddhist monuments in Korea. Although there are a few significant exceptions, the majority of extant Korean bronzes are small scale pieces which have been excavated from monastic sites. It is clear that the accidental preservation of such icons does not offer us a full picture of the development of Buddhist sculpture in early Korea. For this reason, we must be extremely cautious in making comparisons between Korea and Japan, since we have only a rather vague picture of the full nature of the sculptural styles of that time. There has been a tendency in earlier studies to treat the icons preserved in Korea as a "super-market" or "grab- bag" out of which stylistic or iconographical traits can be pulled and then related to traits seen in Japanese icons. When such relations are shown it is concluded that (3-1, p. 23) influence from Korea to Japan has been demonstrated, and frequently the discussion ends there. While such influence tracing is a necessary aspect of art historical investigation, it should not constitute the final result of a research project. In this paper I would like to emphasize the process by which Buddhism and Buddhist art were transmitted from Korea to Japan, rather than making a long series of comparisons between the styles of early Korean and Japanese icons.

One must stress the obvious point that since Korean Buddhist art is directly based on developments in China, ultimately a study of Korean influence on Japan must be rooted in an understanding of the Chinese impact on Korea. However, since a serious effort to clarify (3-1, p. 24) the Chinese-Korean relations would lead too far beyond the scope of this study, comments about China will have to be rather brief.

During the period under consideration here the Korean Peninsula was divided into three political units: in the north, Koguryo; in the south-west, Paekche; and in the south-east, Silla. Because of that division, the time span is referred to as the Three Kingdoms period. The dates of the establishment of these kingdoms is an extremely controversial historical problem, not directly relevant to the present study; for our purposes it is adequate to recognize that Buddhism had established a firm foothold on the Korean Peninsula by the fifth century. The importance of Buddhism in the Korean states continued to grow in the sixth century, at which time Buddhism and its arts were transmitted to Japan. Shortly after the middle of the seventh century the Three Kingdoms period ended, first with the collapse of Paekche (660) and then Koguryo (668) under a combined Tang-Silla onslaught. Although the Chinese had territorial ambitions in Korea, they were driven out by the powerful Silla forces, with the result that all of Korea came under the rule of the United Silla Kingdom. Influence from United Silla appears to have had a substantial impact on Japan during the Hakuho period (ca 645-710), but with the second half of the seventh century we reach an era beyond the scope of this article.

As far as Korea is concerned, Buddhism first became a well-established religion in Koguryo, where it was embraced by the court. This is extremely important, since the Buddhism that developed under the "barbarian" Northern Wei Dynasty was a religious system designed to support the autocratic rule of the court. It is possible that the Koguryo court found this type of Northern Wei Buddhism and the art associated with it an appropriate vehicle for expanding their own dynastic interests. By the sixth century one can see icons produced in Koguryo that reflect the visual imagery that was developed in China under the Wei dynasty. It should also be pointed out that there was considerable influence from Koguryo on the southern kingdoms of Paekche and Silla even though Paekche also received direct influence from south China, as was mentioned above.

Let us look first at evidence for the movements between Japan and Korea that can be considered official. (I use "official" here to refer to movements supported by the highest level of society.) The Nikon Shoki1 records that in 552 King Song of Paekche sent a mission to the Japanese court with a gilt bronze image of the historic Buddha, Shakyamuni, along with Buddhist ritual objects and sutras. King Song praised Buddhism and suggested that the Japanese court should adopt it. This led to considerable debate at court between pro and anti-Buddhist factions, with the result that the Buddhist icon and other objects were given to the leader of the pro- Buddhist group, Soga no Iname. Although 552 is the date given for this event in the Nikon Shoki, other early texts indicate that 538 is the more likely date.

It is an intriguing question to wonder what the Shakyamuni presented in 538 (or 552) looked like since it is not extant today. A leading Japanese scholar, Matsubara Saburo, has suggested that it may have resembled the gilt bronze Buddha now in the National Museum of Korea, Seoul. (Figure 1) This image, in a late Northern Wei style, has an inscription which includes cyclical characters indicating the year it was made, most likely equivalent to 539 A.D. Although the inscription clearly states that it was made in Koguryo, the figure was discovered in the ancient territory of Silla, thus suggesting that images made in the north were sent south to Silla and presumably also to Paekche. Thus it can be assumed, at least tentatively, that the image that King Song of Paekche sent to Japan in 538 would have looked something like the 539 figure in the National Museum of Korea.2

There are two important points to be noted concerning King Song's gift. Although 538 (or 552) is commonly accepted as the official date for the introduction of Buddhism into Japan, there is evidence to suggest that the religion already existed among various communities in Japan prior to 538. Secondly, the style of the 539 sculpture which we associate with King Song's gift is an earlier style than is seen on any extant monuments that seem to have been made in Japan. We shall return to this second point later.

Space is not available here to trace the early history of Buddhism in Japan. It should be pointed out, however, that there seems to have been a persecution of Buddhism some time after the middle of the sixth century, and legend has it that the Buddha hall made by Soga no Iname was burned down by the enemies of the religion and the image sent by King Song, which was installed in this Buddha hall, was thrown into a canal. Soga no Iname died in 570 and was succeeded by his son Soga no Umako. Umako played the leading role in the acceptance and development of Buddhism in Japan during the last decades of the sixth and the first decades of the seventh century, a process which can be understood in terms of the close connections that the Soga Clan had with Korea.

As an example of Soga no Umako's early activities on behalf of Buddhism, there is an entry in the Nikon Shoki from 584 which is important. There it is recorded that a Japanese nobleman, Kafuka no Omi, brought a stone image of Maitreya from Paekche to Japan. Umako received this image and installed it in his mansion just as his father had received King Song's gift decades earlier. Once again we can (3-1, p. 26) not be certain about the appearance of this image although it must have closely resembled the early stone Maitreya images extant in Korea today. (Figure 2)

The bronze Shakyamuni that came to Japan in 538 and the stone Maitreya of 584 should be interpreted as marking the beginning of official patronage of Buddhist art in Japan: that is, icons that can be associated with the highest level of the ruling class. At this stage one cannot speak of Korean influence on Japanese Buddhist sculpture since as far as one can tell works were not yet made in Japan. Earlier I suggested that in addition to an "official" level of patronage, two other categories of people must have brought Buddhist icons to Japan — Buddhist monks and students, and settlers coming from Korea to Japan. Although we lack specific evidence for the activities of these people with regard to the bringing of Buddhist icons to Japan, it seems certain that most of the early Korean icons preserved in Japanese collections must have been brought by them.

In searching for examples of Korean works brought to Japan in ancient times, the most likely place is the important group of small gilt bronze icons called the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities," now in the Tokyo National Museum, but earlier in the Horyu-ji and Tachibanadera, Nara. Most of the figures in this group date to the seventh century and seem to have been made in Japan, but there are some which must have been made in Korea during the sixth century and then brought to Japan. A standing Buddha figure from this group, recognized by Japanese scholars as an import from Korea, displays a style that is earlier than the one which became dominant in Japan in the late sixth and early seventh century. (Figure 3 ) Important characteristics of this image are its very small head, the elongated body, and the treatment of the robe with flat, parallel drapery folds. We can assume that it was brought to Japan by a monk or layperson some time in the second half of the sixth century.

A second figure from Korea in the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" group, a Maitreya image, displays a very early style. (Figure 4) Here, too, we are dealing with a mode that apparently precedes the earliest style utilized in the production of Buddhist sculpture in Japan. Among the archaic characteristics of this Maitreya that should be pointed out are the shape of the crown, the heavy locks of hair with curls on the shoulders, and the extremely schematic treatment of the drapery over the pedestal. Perhaps the most striking indication of the image's early date is the slenderness of the upper body and the arms. It would appear that at this stage the sculptor was not especially concerned with representing the tangible volumes of the body. A closely related image in Korea displays similar treatment of crown, body, and drapery folds, although it lacks the very archaic curls on the locks of hair falling on the shoulder (Figure 5). This, and several other differences, suggest that the Maitreya in Korea is slightly more advanced (3-1, p. 27) than the piece from the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" collection. Incidentally, the two Maitreya figures are nearly identical in size.

In the preceding discussion we have considered the evidence for Korean Buddhist icons brought to Japan in the sixth century, attempting to differentiate, inasmuch as the meager evidence allows, "official" and "non-official" auspices under which they may have been transmitted. We must now turn to a discussion of icons that were actually made in Japan. However, before considering these monuments a few words must be said about the historical developments which led to their production.

By 580-590 the conflict between the proponents and enemies of Buddhism in Japan was heating up. This conflict culminated in a battle in 587 between the anti-Buddhist Mononobe and Nakatomi Clans and the pro-Buddhist Soga Clan in which the latter triumphed. As a result of this

victory, it became possible for the highest levels of society to patronize Buddhism, and thus the leader of the Soga Clan, Soga no Umako, ordered the construction of the first proper, fullscale monastery in Japan. This monastery, begun in 588, was called the Asuka-dera, and was intended to be the clan monastery of the Soga. In the Nihon Shoki, under the year 588, there is a long entry describing the numerous craftsmen who came from Paekche to Japan to supervise work on the Asuka-dera. This was clearly necessary because there would not have been craftsmen living in Japan at the time with knowledge of the various skills needed to build a sophisticated monastic complex.

It is not essential to go into detail (3-1, p. 28) concerning the architectural plan and icons of the Asuka-dera. However, we might note that one of the principle icons was the stone image of Maitreya brought to Japan by Kafuka no Omi in 584, discussed above. A second, more important, icon was a monumental "sixteen foot" bronze image of Shakyamuni that was made in Japan. The present main icon of the Asuka-dera is a large seated Buddha figure in bronze, but unfortunately this figure has been so severely damaged by fire over the centuries that it is practically impossible to say much about its original style.3 It is my assumption that this Buddha figure was made by Korean craftsmen in the late sixth or early seventh century as the impressive main icon of the clan monastery of the Soga Clan.

With the construction of the Asuka-dera one enters the first period of Buddhist art in Japan — the Asuka peiod — extending to ca. 645. During the fifty or sixty years of the Asuka period there is a rather coherent mainstream style derived from the late Wei style in China that came to Japan via the Korean Peninsula. This style can be seen clearly in various Korean sculptures such as the bronze Buddha figure from Koguryo (Figure 6) and a soapstone figure from Paekche (Figure 7). Although there are obvious differences between these two figures, for the present it is important to note the common traits, including their somewhat archaic facial expression, the heavy robes that cover the body, and the elaborate drapery overhang that falls over the front of the pedestal. These traits, and others, arranged into a rather schematic format — dignified and remote — are the source for the dominant style in Asuka sculpture. For example, Seated Buddha # 145 in the "Forty-eight Buddhist Deities" group shows all of the traits that we noticed in the pieces from Paekche and Koguryo (Figure 8 ). Several other monuments of Asuka sculpture can be related to this style, including the Shakyamuni Triad dated 623 in the Horyu-ji Kondo, another triad dated 628 in the Horyu-ji Museum, as well as various Bodhisattva figures such as the Yumedono Kannon.4

It must be pointed out here that the various Japanese monuments just cited are finer pieces of sculpture than the two figures from Koguryo and Paekche. Does this mean that early Buddhist sculpture in Japan was of superior quality to that produced in Korea? This seems most unlikely. The Koguryo bronze and the Paekche stone figures are both very small icons which must have been rather unimportant commissions when they were produced. We are indeed fortunate that they have survived the vicissitudes of history since they provide us with valuable information concerning early Buddhist sculpture in Korea. Nevertheless, it would be unwise to assume that these pieces reflect the artistic level seen in more important commissions.

The preceding opinion may seem to a skeptic to be rather unfounded praise of the quality of Korean sculpture, so it is necessary here to attempt to demonstrate its validity. Perhaps the greatest monument of Korean Buddhist sculpture is the magnificent bronze Maitreya in the National Museum of Korea (Figure 9). This figure will stand comparison with any monument of Far Eastern art, and the Korean people are justifiably proud of it. As is well known, there is a wooden image of Maitreya in the Koryu-ji, Kyoto, which is virtually identical to the Korean bronze in style (Figure 10). All scholars recognize that the Koryu-ji Maitreya is based on a Korean prototype, but for our purposes here the more important fact is that the Korean and Japanese monuments are of equally high artistic quality. The fortunate preservation of the Korean Maitreya makes this fact perfectly clear in the present comparison, but I (3-1, p. 29) would like to argue that equally superlative Korean prototypes must have influenced the early Japanese sculptures cited above. Virtually all the important early Korean icons have been lost, but that should not obscure the fact that the styles of Buddhist sculpture were transmitted from Korea to Japan. It is inconceivable that small, quite simple icons made in Korea led to the pro duction of the magnificent images of Asuka sculpture; rather, there must have been numerous impressive icons in Koguryo, Paekche and Silla which formed the basis for the sculpture of the Asuka period.

In this paper I have attempted to illuminate the process by which Buddhist sculpture was transmitted from Korea to Japan. I have argued that various groups, including offi cial envoys, monks and students, as well as Korean settlers, were responsible for bringing Korean icons to Japan. In addition to actual icons, sculptors possessing the knowledge of how to make Buddhist images must have come in large numbers. However, the simple arrival of icons and sculptors would not have inevitably led to the flourishing of Buddhism and Buddhist art that was seen in Asuka Japan. Obviously there had to be a powerful group who felt that it was in their interest to adopt Buddhism. In the present case, this was the Soga Clan, especially Soga no Iname and his son Soga no Umako, whose activities represented a major step in the transmission of Buddhist art from Korea to Japan.

Donald McCallum is an associate professor of art at UCLA. He is currently working on a monograph dealing with early Buddhist sculpture in Japan.

NOTE

1. The Nikon Shoki, compiled in 720, is a history of Japan from legendary times until A.D. 697. It is an essential source for the study of early Korean-Japanese relations.
2. For the 539 Buddha, and other early Korean sculptures, see Junghee Lee, "Sixth Century Buddhist Sculpture," Korean Culture 2.2 (June, 1981 ), pp. 28-35.
3. For the Asuka-dera Great Buddha sec, S. Mizuno Asuka Buddhist Art: Horyu-ji,Tokyo, 1974, fig. 14 and pl. 50.
4. These images can be found in Mizuno, pls. 5-6 (623 Shakyamuni), fig. 15 (628 Shakyamuni), and pls. 51-52 (Yumedono Kannon).